Policy: Building the Creative Sector - Week 11

Braddock Articles and Video

• Braddock was once of the most successful towns in America (where Carnegie build his first steel factory), but it is now one of the most dilapidated towns in the nation
• town suffers from poor infrastructure, decrepit houses and buildings, heavy population loss, and more
• Mayor John Fetterman uses town essentially as an experiment to try new methods of revitalization
• creating artist live-work spaces
• free studio space for artists
• urban gardening
• community centers
• public art installations
• Fetterman has set up a non-profit, Braddock Redux, using family money to accomplish most of the changes he's introduced to the community
• non-profit status allows him to operate outside of the political system
• also allows him to implicate radical changes without much say from community members and longtime residents
• town has witnessed a decrease in number of homicides
• town is gentrification-proof because of the radically low prices of housing; even if prices tripled they would still be affordable
• affordable to buy, not necessarily to make livable - many who moved to the town have seen their savings disappear as they try to make necessary improvements in the houses they've bought
• as of yet only 23 people have moved in to 10 households
• people were attracted by the low overhead of living, felt that they would have more time to pursue hobbies, but this is not necessarily true
• people moving in aren't really doing so in order to "fix" the town (8)
• Fetterman claims he never tried to bring people in to the town, but he did create a website to advertise the town
• Fettermen doesn't seem to relate urban revitalization (urban homesteading) to fostering civic engagement
• "Is urban renewal just a matter of showing up" (8)
• image portrayed in the media and the reality of the town don't necessarily match up
• one person does acknowledge that "the mayor is doing good things for the kids, and that does matter most, the future" (8-9)

"From Brew Town to Cool Town" (Zimmerman, 2008)

• criticizes Milwaukee's application of Florida's ideas for further polarizing the city both economically and racially
• municipal government tried to adapt the city's central area to better appeal to the "presumed" lifestyle needs of the creative class
• new logo attempted to shift image of Milwaukee from industrial to cultural; used image of addition to Milwaukee Art Museum to represent the city
• rather than "bohemianism," Florida's creative class seem more closely associated with higher levels of education than the average population
• critics cite that Florida's creative cities actually featured higher-than-average unemployment rates and sustained job losses in recent years
• some have pointed out that bohemian neighborhoods are likely a consequence of economic growth rather than a cause of it
• issue of causality appears again and again
• claim that Florida did indeed understand the causality backwardly
• city created a branding strategy to market itself as a creative city suitable and desirable for creative young professionals
• city made efforts to improve the physical attractiveness of downtown neighborhoods
• these efforts sometimes received funding over more long-standing community services and amenities, like public pools (which often serve the working class)
• Third Ward neighborhood was becoming rapidly gentrified
• benefits of city's plan
• increase in population growth compared to the suburbs
• city gained more young professionals
• property-led residential boom in the central area
• disadvantages/things the plan didn't seem to change
• net job losses actually accelerated during the implementation of the plan; this economic issue was especially prominent in the central area, particularly for racial minorities
• argues that plan served a small and privileged population without addressing the needs of African-American and immigrant working class and working poor populations
• Florida omits "old-economy" workers from his scheme and ignores unions and class-based political parties
• deepened pre-existing social inequalities and bolstered regimes of exclusion

"Politics of a Creative Class" (Markusen, 2005)

• argues that artists are very distinct from other members of Florida's creative class
• "talent, skill, and creativity are not synonymous with higher education" (1921)
• artists participate actively in politics, pursue liberal political values and support the rise of welfare
• the definition of creativity remains fuzzy in Florida's terms; conflates creativity with high levels of education
• Florida largely ignores diversity other than the "gay index"
• argues that there is no simple direction between the presence of artists and the semi-independent locational preferences among selected groups of workers
• difficult to know how to profit over this relationship by instituting government policy
• relationship between artists and high-tech driven urban growth remains unclear
• research does show that artists take into consideration the tradeoffs between "being where the action is" and livability, artistic networks, and philanthropic support
• artists often move to the seedy, transitional neighborhoods rather than wealthy downtown areas
• local arts can be a draw for additional city revenue, particularly from tourists
• "import-substituting activity" (1932)
• mixed opinions from artists on Florida's work
• like the publicity and attention they have received, understand the problem's implicit in his strategies
• artists want more support for neighborhood-based/decentralized art spaces
• discusses different views of artists as gentrifiers (1936-37)
• effect depends on the condition/stability of the location
• many artists are actually of the community

"Gentrification and Desire" (Caulfield, 1989)

• "marginal cultural practice breeds its own displacement"
• based on the workings of the culture industry
• gentrifiers are difficult to identify, and it is hard to understand individuals through the term alone
• many have different political leanings, occupations, incomes, etc.
• different views on gentrifiers
• all city resettlers are gentrifiers
• consider first-phase gentrifiers "complicit" in the dislocation of low-income residents
• there are different stages of gentrification and the gentrifiers at these different stages should be considered differently
• first-phase gentrifiers are often on the side of the existing neighborhoods and against neighborhood gentrification
• culture is understood to play a part in the gentrification process, but the exact role remains largely unknown ("black box")
• Why are resettlers attracted to old urban neighborhoods? What makes these places desirable over other communities they could afford?
• rent gap
• affection fo "diversity"
• rejection of suburban ideals
• "repelled from... suburban time-space rhythms of separate spheres of work and daily life" (622)
• "emancipatory practice oriented toward particular use-values of older urban places that are felt to be diminished in current-day city-building
• desire to refashion the historical city
• desires go further back than the counter-cultural movements of the 1960s, have long been relevant to "first-phase" gentrifiers
• culture industry has the ability to package and sell pre-existing desires
• lifestyle as a product
• "revitalization" of old city neighborhoods actually often result in the devitalization of less affluent communities
• forced displacement, particularly for low-income tenants

Artists and Urban Development (Cole, 1987)

• addresses the changes associated with artists moving to Hoboken, Jersey City, and Newark in the Manhattan periphery
• artists can be both victims of the capitalist system and the early drivers of forces such as gentrification and displacement for low-income populations
• artists change land use
• artist loft spaces can be desirable for wealthy middle-class individuals; can result in the displacement of artists who have displaced low-income individuals
• increased property values, construction of condominiums (marketed often as lofts for chicness), etc.
• difficult for these two groups of displaced persons to form a common front because their ultimate goals differ; low-income residents sometimes perceive the artist not as an ally but as "a symbol of change that will ultimately deprive them of their homes" (407)
• Jersey City: "artist community was institutionalized as part of planned improvement and rehabilitation of [the Heights] section" (395)
• unclear whether this proclamation actually had an effect on driving more artists to the cities
• government does not provide special benefits to artists
• the Heights is not a blighted area and thus doesn't qualify for redevelopment benefits
• claim that changes resulting from influx of artists was "natural," though city did embark on a large marketing program to advertise the redevelopment underway
• Newark: "artists have migrated to well-established neighborhoods, not to the vacant zones considered unsafe by most middle-class standards" (399)
• some artists believe that publicity used artists to shift the image of Newark in order to promote the possibility of land speculation and gentrification
• artists do repurpose some buildings, but the overall effects on the community do not seem to be broad
• artists' residencies as a sign that a neighborhood might be a good place to live; artists come first, then developers
• some artists, galleries, and arts organizations work to integrate themselves into their location-based community, while others are more focused on not instigating any change/trouble and trying to find ways to work on their art while keeping a connection to New York City
• importance of artists/arts organizations buying their own space so as to not be forced out by rising rent prices brought about by their living in the city
• some have argued for rent subsidies for artists in order to repay them for their contribution to urban revitalization
• rent subsidies for other residents are often ignored in these discussions
• artists have various responses to the issue of social responsibility
• they have little control in changing landuses, yet there participation seems instrumental

"Sustainable Communities and and the Creative Sector" Webinar (Hud, Jul. 2010)

• ability of arts organizations to do creative placemaking
• supporting local artists, creating more foot traffic
• making a place where people actually want to live, work, and play
• partnership between multiple government organizations for new funding opportunities
• Office of Sustainable Housing and Communities and the NEA
• sustainability
• tying the quality and the location of housing to broader opportunities, like more jobs
• six principles
• better transportation choice
• increase of location- and energy- efficient housing choices
• improve economic competitiveness
• put funding towards existing communities
• align federal policies
• enhance unique characteristics of communities
• two grant programs
• Community Challenge and Title II Tiger Grants
• alight Federal programs to support the building of projects that further the six livability principles
• Sustainable Communities Grants
• grants to programs which improve infrastructure, economic development, health, social equality, or more simply bolster the arts and culture community
• require a consortium to apply to the grant (12:00)
• emphasize needs to work with the community
• acknowledges the difference in population criteria
• grant prizes are proportional to size of region
• strongly stresses building off of existing momentum in communities by forming partnerships

Questions and Comments

• Can artists be seen as anything other than gentrifiers if they move into a town with the purpose of "fixing" it?  What benefits and problems might be associated with such a purpose?
• How has Braddock succeeded thus far?  What are ways that it could further improve its town's condition? What lessons can other failing cities and towns learn from it (either from what it has done right or wrong)?
• What problems are presented by a non-profit, rather than the government, instituting major change in a community?  What are the benefits?
• What is the causal relation between artists, bohemian neighborhoods, and economic success? Is it really one way in any direction?
• What problems are implicit in Florida's definition of the creative class as a class which really signifies higher education? How can his argument be expanded to cover a broader population? Would his argument hold up if it weren't referring to the highly educated (who are usually more wealthy)?
• At what point does gentrification shift from first-phase to second-phase? Can any measures be taken to diminish second-phase gentrification and avoid population displacement?
• Is culture and certain counter-cultural desires a driving factor for certain populations, particularly those considered "gentrifiers?" If so, what other factors contribute to the seeds of gentrification?
• How can artists and displaced low-income residents form a united front against gentrification? How can the government intervene?
• In addition to the grants offered by HUD, what other government partnerships might be successful at improving the arts and culture sector and at using arts and culture as a basis for development and growth?

Further reading is highlighted in the reference sections of "From Brew Town to Cool Town," "'Gentrification' and Desire," and "Politics of a Creative Class"

Articles Annie read/commented on:

• radio documentary about creative economy investment in Michigan
• Newark mayor: comes from Newark, went and got Ivy-league educated, really inserted himself back into the fabric of the life of Newark
• comparison between Lowe and Fettermen: different motives, same activities/impacts (relatively speaking)
• How do all of these issues consider the suburbs?

Policy: Social Impact of the Arts Project - Week 10

From Creative Economy to Creative Society (Stern and Seifert, 2008)

• creative economy has become a popular remedy for blight
• flaws of creative economy policy:
• misperception of culture and creativity as a product of individual genius rather than collective activity
• willingness to tolerate social dislocation in exchange for urban vitality or competitive advantage
• calls for new model of neighborhood-based creative economy
• way to integrate urban neighborhood residents with the regional economy and civil society
• must integrate economic opportunity and social inclusion
• assets-based, treating neighborhoods as potential "cultural hubs;" some have potential to become "natural cultural districts"
• vision must be social, political, economic, and possess rationale
• cultural cluster perspective has greatest potential to meet dual policy goals of economic equality and social inclusion
• gentrification: common objection
• artists are especially vulnerable to winner-take-all dynamic
• creative industries are dominated by jobs with high educational requirements
• creative economic development can expand job opportunities for highly-skilled workers rather than less well-trained urban residents
• relationship between cultural engagement and "collective efficacy" - "social cohesion among neighbors combined with their willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good"
• informal arts have high potential for community building
• culture is linked to neighborhood revitalization by the social organization of the creative economy; culture can create social networks in ways other community activities can't
• "neighborhoods with a critical mass of cultural assets--and a dense web of social networks--are more likely to experience stable social diversity as well as economic revitalization"
• "creative economy perspective misunderstands creativity" (6)
• most culture-based revitalization focuses on downtowns and invests more in high-income residents and visitors; benefit for lower-income residents is usually tied to some trickle-down effect
• smaller-scale projects yield modest direct economic return yet often create spill-over effects that contribute to the quality of community life, which can trigger long-term economic benefits
• creating artists' centers help maximize artistic spillover effects
• culture can foster inclusion, but not automatically

Cultivating "Natural" Cultural Districts (Stern and Seifert, 2008)

• culture can succeed in modern urban revival because arts have become much more active, accessible, and polyglot
• informal social settings are most common venues for creative engagement in low-income urban areas
• natural cultural district
• neighborhood that has spawned a density of assets that sets it apart from other neighborhoods
• clusters encourage innovation and creativity--spur cultural production--push neighborhoods to regeneration tipping-point and attract new services and residents
• occurs without policy intent
• public sector can contribute to the success of these districts by simply doing its job better
• need to develop broader workforce policies for people going into the arts sector
• must be cultivated; difficult to encourage growth without interfering negatively in their uniqueness 
• usually have diverse population that are already involved in creative activities
• many poor urban neighborhoods have these ingredients but lack the consumer base to help them take off
• problem of externalities--people who create social value in these areas often have no way of reaping their full reward from doing so
• think of cultural sector as an ecosystem in which different parts are self-organizing and interdependent
• cities of greater diversity are more likely to have high cultural participation, house cultural groups, and provide support for artists
• possess energy and vitality conducive to creativity
• high levels of cultural production might be product of competition or cooperation
• revitalization relies on both direct economic impact and, perhaps more importantly, impact on the civic life of urban neighborhoods
• two possibile negative consequences for culture-based development: gentrification and expansion of economic inequality
• displacement can occur only when conditions are "right"
• proliferation of informal arts sector is one symptom of expanding inequality within the creative sector
• "The conflict between downtown and neighborhood development is a false choice" (10)
• creative sector excels at and needs to build connections, foster social engagement
• culture is effective at strengthening communities and building bridges between them

Migrants, Communities, and Culture (Stern et. al., 2008)

• Migrant cultural engagement is particularly important for urban neighborhoods
• all immigrants are not alike
• urban cultural scenes offer immigrants links to other social institutions
• immigrants are concentrated at bottom and top of economic ladder
• many have problems translating educational achievement into economic benefits
• institutional barriers to arts, education, employment, and health
• cultural expression is a way for immigrants to define who they are; more than a commodity
• immigrants are likely to participate in informal cultural expression related to themselves, but are less likely to participate in established cultural organizations
• shift balance between nonprofit cultural sector and commercial and informal sectors
• differences between arts organizations are less based on nonprofit vs commercial, but on large vs small
• immigrant groups often provide opportunities for cultural expression alongside other social benefits
• fulfill everyday necessities and self-identity needs
• cultural engagement can promote an assets-based strategy for expanding opportunities for immigrant communities to link to a wider range of services
• immigrant arts have accelerated the growth of the informal sector

Questions/Comments:

• What benefits are gained by thinking of the cultural sector as an "ecosystem"?  How is this different from thinking about the sector as a market?
• How is culture better able to foster inclusion than other types of activities?
• How might it be possible to get immigrants more involved in established arts organizations?  What problems or issues might be involved in drawing them away from their ethnic cultural organizations?  What would the benefits be?
• Why is the distinction between informal, nonprofit, and commercial arts organizations significant?  Is it only important to the structure of the organization?  How does it effect the experiences of the participants?
• Why is the 'conflict between downtown and neighborhood development' a 'false choice'?  How can development occur across geographic lines when resources are often tight?
• How can policy improve the environment for arts organizations?  How, besides providing funding, can they encourage them to succeed and proliferate?
• Should public policy actually be involved in these arts organizations/cultural sector?
• How are direct economic impacts and impacts on the civic life or urban neighborhoods related?  Is their relationship of the 'the chicken and the egg' variety, or is there a clear process in which they occur?

Further Reading:
*highlighted sources in documents
Information on the Rotunda (connected to Penn)

Community Art: Project Row Houses - Week 9

projectrowhouses.org

• "the mission of Project Row Houses is to transform community through the celebration of art and African-American history and culture"
• "Since our inception, PRH’s campus has grown from the original block and a half to six blocks, and from 22 houses to 40 properties; including twelve artist exhibition and/or residency spaces, seven houses for young mothers, artist residencies, office spaces, a community gallery, a park, low-income residential and commercial spaces."
• work was inspired not only by Beuys' social sculpture but also by artist Dr. John Biggers' principles of the creation of effective communities:
• Art and creativity should be viewed as an integral part of life, exemplified in African traditions wherein art is interwoven into the very fabric of life through rituals and ceremony activities.
• Quality education is defined through impartation of knowledge and wisdom – including understanding that is passed from generation to generation.
• Strong neighborhoods have social safety nets, woven by community to support community and to raise social responsibility
• Good and relevant architecture; meaning housing that should not only be well designed, but also make sense to preserve a community’s historic character.
• staff includes founder, executive director, development manager, education manager, public arts manager, Young Mothers program manager, and an administrative assistant, as well as volunteers
• publicizes visiting hours
• showcases history of buildings within their decription
• hosts after-school and summer programs for school-aged children
• cost is dependent on a sliding-scale based on household income
• Young Mothers Program serves single mothers 18-26 
• mothers must be enrolled in school, have at least a part-time job, and attend program events/counseling sessions/etc.
• program focuses on development in the areas of academic excellence, career development, financial security, parental responsibility, and social/spiritual awareness
• serves up to 5 women at a time; so far program has supported 50 "graduates" who have proven to be successful after their stay
• Row Houses Community Development Corporation - sister program
• focus on providing low-income rental housing as well as opportunities for home-ownership for low-income individuals
• offers opportunities for summer studios to college-attending artists interested in community-based art
• street-scaping effort to install public artworks around campus
• hosts artist and community talks
• formed partnerships with many organizations, mostly local, such as the Architecture department at Rice

"Activism as Art: Shotgun Shacks Saved through Art-based Revitalization" (Sholette, 2010)

• art that helps the community and directly engages in it rather than art that is about the community--idea of Beuys' social sculpture
• plan was conceived as an effort to save the historical (at least within the community) "shotgun shacks" from demolition; also wanted to help the people currently living within them to stay within their community
• need for artistic component to prove to community that they were more than slumlords, prove that they truly care
• Project Row Houses includes a residential program for young mothers and artist-in-residence programs
• funding that goes directly into a community rather than into a medial institution trying to serve the community can result in greater ripple effects (especially economically) throughout the community
• finds ways to enhance the economic structures around the community: developed more housing in the area surrounding PRH, but this is more to preserve the community and "control" its economic destiny
• rent prices on new homes are still kept low, so it's not a money-making venture for the program
• want to mix middle-income people into the area to bring in more education/more dollars--but important to retain the mix rather than just bring bigger payers into the community 
• Lowe doesn't want to get involved in actual policy because he feels that he serves better as an artist

"Project Row Houses: Social Scultpure in Practice" Video (Current TV, 2008)

• high school student challenged Lowe to create a solution to the issues his art was raising (the people in these communities already knew the issues)
• create art with practical implications
• artists and young people began to "sculpt" the mostly abandoned area of the Third Ward; slowly more and more people became involved in helping to clean and "program" the site
• wanted art and artists to be at the core of what they were doing
• goals:
• understand and elevate the architecture
• engage art and artists
• focus on education as something that could contribute to improving the quality of life in this community
• create a social safety net
• future goal: economic development

"Project Row Houses" (Roeck, 2010)

• Lowe hoped that the renovated houses would instill a pride in the community
• began as a non-profit--was able to get funding because they were promoting the arts, saving historic structures, encouraging community development, and addressing social problems
• idea of treating the community as an art project
• mentions that while many people feel that PRH gives them a fresh start and can enable them to be successful, it's not transformative for everyone
• Lowe suggests that this is understandable as the work of social art is never done
• PRH has year-round arts programming from workshops to openings to festivals
• PRH helped the community to avoid the gentrification that some nearby neighborhoods were experiencing

Project Row Houses (America's Most Livable Communities)

• goal: connect local artists with revitalization of the third ward community
• campus primarily serves low-income African Americans; several houses are set aside for artist residencies and some gallery space
• Artists Project uses teenagers to assist the artists and act as tour guides
• site attracts many people throughout Houston of various cultural, ethnic, and social backgrounds
• organization has grown into comprehensive community development group, with programs focus in the arts and culture, education, and historic and community preservation and revitalization
• PRH helps the community reconnect with its African American culture and history and resist the threat of gentrification

"Project Row Houses endeavor branches into laundromats" (Gray, 2009)

• campus has grown tremendously and now blurs into surrounding community
• in addition to homes, PRH has renovated historic spaces like the Eldorado Ballroom and taken in Victorian-era shotgun houses moved to their site when the original neighborhood was threatened
• questions if the artwork can be expanded to other areas of the city/country/world
• Lowe claims the key is for the artists to focus on the art and to bring in specialists or incubate new businesses for other ventures, such as work force development or counseling
• Laundromat as art: create a "Cookie Love's Wash 'n' Fold"--an actual nice, clean laundromat that celebrates the life of a real person (Cookie Love) part of the Third Ward

Interview: Rick Lowe on Designing Project Row Houses (Finkelpearl, 2001)

• large-scale art initiative tend not to originate within minority/underprivileged/underserved communities
• eight or so of the row homes are dedicated to art exhibitions
• claims that PRH addresses issues that art-as-urban-development projects tend not to address, like teenage mothers, school drop outs, etc
• Lowe wanted to create political art that was actually reaching the people it was relevant to--wanted to display his art outside of the gallery space
• felt need to focus his audience--focused on poor/working-class African Americans, because speaking to all the poor/working people was too difficult
• felt it was more effective to work with a focus
• didn't care so much about what the artist world thought of his projects so long as the community was pleased
• question of the line between art and propaganda 
• Lowe believes he can only make work reflecting issues that are relevant and meaningful to him; doesn't feel successful in making commissioned work
• commitment to doing long-term community projects rather than a hit-and-run 
• approached houses as if working on a sculpture
• got local arts museums and organizations to adopt houses--built partnerships to renovate houses more quickly and with more people
• brought together lots of people working side by side in the Third Ward
• at first many outsiders were volunteering, but then churches began to get more community members to volunteer as well
• there were many conflicting values among the people involved in the organization, which sometimes made it difficult to accomplish things
• ex: advisor didn't want someone from Planned Parenthood speaking to the young mothers because she was against abortion
• Lowe feels that his creativity within the project is over, but he is proud that he created a forum which can stand independently from himself; wants to step back once he feels the project is truly stable
• Lowe doesn't devalue 'museum' or 'gallery art,' he just doesn't feel like it's his calling as an artist

Interview: Assata Shakur on Living in Project Row Houses (Finkelpearl, 2001)

• Shakur was one of the first women to be a part of the young mothers program
• in the beginning, the mothers felt that they were somewhat on display and had a hard time navigating how to achieve privacy when they were living in a public art project
• project was initially quite strict and had multiple behavior requirements, though those restrictions became somewhat more lax in later years
• program provided day care for the children; idea was to provide women with all the resources they needed to essentially get on their feet and prepare them to be successful once they left the program
• created a total support system
• Shakur, after leaving the program, continued to volunteer with PRH; felt that she owed dedication to the program similar to that which they had given to her
• women supervising behavior/character/training classes was a psychologist who had grown up across the street and thus understood many of the issues these women were now facing
• Shakur comments on the communal nature of PRH and how it created an environment which caused people to build relationships with one another
• some artists began doing work related to the young mothers program; others allowed the young mothers to work with them as interns, giving them experience as artists or businesswomen 
• Shakur to Lowe: "I'm your art"
• PRH attracted people who wouldn't normally visit a museum or gallery; it presented art in a non-threatening way which had a connection with these people 
• brought something to the community rather than bringing the community to the museum

Questions/Comments

• What other examples of "social sculpture" like this exist?  
• Can/should all community art projects create social safety nets? 
• organization seems to have a strong focus on building partnerships with other community organizations
• receives lots of funding, mostly because of how multi-faceted the project is, it seems
• like the articles from last week, mentions that funding can have greater effects when it goes directly to the community rather than through some intermediary organization--but Project Row Houses does seem to be such an organization, just one with different functions than a museum
• interesting that the Economic Development organization is separate from the main organization but that the two do seem to work closely together
• Question of whether or not art is actually central to the success of this project--Lowe thought it was, but how is that changing the lives of the people in this community?
• Does it make a different that there is art within these houses rather than just renovating the houses themselves?  
• What social issues are involved when an artist treats a community as an art project? What are the positive/negative ramifications of that?
• the project does bring in specialists for programs not directly related to the artwork
• Could this project be transplanted to another place?  What are the qualifications for a project like this to succeed?
• Does Lowe's intended audience make this project seem exclusive to people not from the community?
• appears that it doesn't
• How can you achieve privacy for people living within a public art project?  Especially if they are considered to be part of the art?